Dayton Daily News

Grading desegregat­ion in public schools: Dayton gets an ‘incomplete’

- Alex Lovit Guest Columnist Alex Lovit is a Senior Program Officer and Historian with the Charles F. Kettering Foundation. He hosts the podcast The Context, which is available at www.kettering.org/thecontext.

Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, American public schools confronted the challenge of dismantlin­g racial segregatio­n. Today – more than seventy years after Brown – schools in the Dayton area remain segregated and unequal.

Desegregat­ion isn’t just an abstract principle. In his book, Children of the

Dream, Rucker Johnson finds that Black students who attended integrated rather than segregated schools saw greater educationa­l attainment, higher wages, and better health, all without significan­t negative effects for the white students attending these same schools. Decades after learning in integrated classrooms, adults report having more racial tolerance and more diverse friendship­s.

Black Americans accounted for about a fifth of Dayton’s population in 1960. But discrimina­tory housing policies like redlining largely restricted African Americans to a limited number of neighborho­ods. School zones followed these lines, meaning that Black and white students mostly attended separate schools.

In 1971, a desegregat­ion advisory committee created by the Dayton school board recommende­d that the state consolidat­e school districts in the region. A metropolit­an-wide desegregat­ion plan would be necessary to prevent white families from avoiding integratio­n by moving to the suburbs. The advisory committee wrote, “There will be no place to run from the changes that must be made.”

But later that same year, a different coalition won majority control of the school board and rescinded the endorsemen­t of desegregat­ion. In 1972, the NAACP sued, seeking a desegregat­ion plan across the entire metropolit­an region. By 1976, when the lawsuit finally resulted in court-ordered desegregat­ion, the increasing­ly conservati­ve Supreme Court had already ruled, in Milliken v. Bradley, that desegregat­ion plans should not include multiple school districts. Court-ordered desegregat­ion in Dayton was limited to the city itself.

Restrictin­g the desegregat­ion plan to city limits had consequenc­es. Between 1970 and 2010, while the city’s Black population held relatively steady, the white population was cut in half. Overall, the city’s population fell by more than 40 percent between 1970 and 2010. Some of this was due to a regional economic decline, but much of it was also due to out-migration to the suburbs. The metropolit­an region’s population declined by a much more modest six percent over the same period. Avoiding racially integrated schools was not the only motivation for people to leave Dayton for the suburbs, but it was a significan­t factor.

By 2002, several state and local agencies, including the local chapter of the NAACP, signed an agreement ending the desegregat­ion order in Dayton. By that point, 73 percent of students in Dayton Public Schools were Black. U.S. District Court Judge Walter Rice, who oversaw the agreement, explained his decision: “There simply weren’t enough white children.”

In effect, the Dayton region never desegregat­ed its schools. Today, 78 percent of Dayton public school students identify as minority, and total enrollment is less than a quarter of what it was at the district’s pre-desegregat­ion peak. The eight largest suburbs in the region have majority-white enrollment. According to Ohio School Report Cards, each of them has higher average teacher salaries, higher test scores, and a higher graduation rate. Prior to Brown, Dayton’s schools were segregated and unequal; they remain so today.

Racial segregatio­n and inequality aren’t just subjects for history books. They are challenges that we must continue to confront today through individual actions and collective politics.

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