Chicago Sun-Times

Trump assassinat­ion attempt captured ‘true human cost’ of political violence

- BY ALEXANDRA FILINDRA, PAUL TEAS, ANDREA MANNING AND LAUREL HARBRIDGE-YONG Alexandra Filindra is an associate professor of political science and psychology at University of Illinois Chicago. Paul Teas and Andrea Manning are graduate students at UIC. Laure

Former President Donald Trump was six minutes into his speech in Butler, Pennsylvan­ia, July 13 when a lone gunman perched on a nearby rooftop shot and injured him and two others and killed a fourth man.

The assassinat­ion attempt was the culminatio­n of years of warnings from elected officials that they faced an escalation of threats of violence. Studies have documented the rising hostility against mayors, state senators, state House candidates, and Congress members.

Our interviews with elected officials and other researcher­s’ surveys also show that threats of violence can have significan­t consequenc­es for democracy since victims may be more likely to shy away from controvers­ial policies, meet less often with constituen­ts, not seek higher office or retire from politics.

Since the assassinat­ion attempt, many political observers have worried that this event may increase citizens’ support for political violence. Studies of mass shootings suggest that extensive media coverage can normalize such acts and even lead to copycat behavior. If this is also true for political violence, it can explain why many elected officials told us they fear that publicly sharing their experience­s may fuel more violence.

We tested whether exposure to news about violence targeting co-partisan or opposing politician­s increased citizens’ propensity to perceive political violence as justified.

Exposure to political violence doesn’t make it contagious

Results from two experiment­s we conducted in 2023-2024 and a daily poll fielded since May 2024 suggest that exposure to actual or hypothetic­al stories of violence perpetrate­d against politician­s does not increase the average citizen’s appetite for violence and may even reduce it.

In our experiment­s, we randomly assigned participan­ts to read stories about a senator who was co-partisan (member of the same party) or out-partisan (member of a different party). These stories were not true but modeled on reallife events.

Some respondent­s read about the senator having a civil meeting with the opposing party constituen­ts or a nonviolent protest at his office. Both stories reflect democratic means of political engagement. However, other respondent­s read about a protest where threats were made against the senator or where the protesters turned violent, seriously injuring him.

Reading about violence against a co-partisan did not make people any more likely to support political violence. And it made them less likely to rationaliz­e political violence. These are crucial findings, given concerns about igniting a cycle of violence.

The assassinat­ion attempt against Trump gave us leverage to look at how co-partisans and opposing partisans react to a real-world event involving a person for whom people on both sides feel strongly.

Because a question in our survey about whether political violence is justified has been asked continuall­y since May, we can test if people’s responses differed before and after the assassinat­ion attempt.

We find that after the assassinat­ion attempt, both Democrats and Republican­s were less likely to justify political violence. This difference is statistica­lly significan­t but small. Critically, this means that the appetite for political violence did not increase in the weeks after the attempted assassinat­ion, and it may have declined a bit. This is good news for democracy.

Furthermor­e, in a separate question, we asked people why they think public officials may seek to speak publicly about their experience­s with political violence.

We find that since the assassinat­ion attempt, respondent­s have been significan­tly more likely to believe that public officials are speaking out about threats and violence out of genuine concern for their safety, not for more selfservin­g reasons.

These patterns give us some optimism that elected officials can share their experience­s and that the public will respond, not with heightened support for violence, but with recognitio­n and perhaps empathy.

One thing that our experiment­s and the real-world response to the assassinat­ion attempt against Trump have in common is that the response from partisan elites did not involve incitement of further violence.

In our experiment­s, the articles presented the events without any commentary from the victim.

In the case of the assassinat­ion attempt, most leaders in both parties, including Trump himself, spoke out to condemn violence.

Combined with research showing that what partisan leaders say about violence matters, our research suggests that exposure to stories of political violence does not drive partisans to view violence as justified. Instead, it may reduce support for violence as people come face-to-face with the true human cost of such events. However, this may depend on how trusted partisan leaders respond and whether they actively work to promote peaceful co-existence and denounce violence.

Exercising restraint is key to the preservati­on of democratic institutio­ns, and during this contentiou­s election cycle, both citizens and leaders should heed that lesson.

The views and opinions expressed by contributo­rs are their own and do not necessaril­y reflect those of the Chicago Sun-Times or any of its affiliates.

 ?? GENE J. PUSKAR/AP ?? Republican presidenti­al candidate and former President Donald Trump is escorted to a motorcade following an attempted assassinat­ion at a campaign event in Butler, Pa., July 13.
GENE J. PUSKAR/AP Republican presidenti­al candidate and former President Donald Trump is escorted to a motorcade following an attempted assassinat­ion at a campaign event in Butler, Pa., July 13.

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