Chicago Sun-Times

Breaking down partisan talking points on state budget

- BY RALPH MARTIRE Ralph Martire is executive director of the Center for Tax and Budget Accountabi­lity and the Arthur Rubloff Professor of Public Policy at Roosevelt University.

We are living in a time when bipartisan­ship is passe, and dissonance between Democrats and Republican­s over every meaningful piece of public policy is the norm. For instance, consider the state’s FY 2025 General Fund budget that passed on a purely partisan basis and was signed this week by Gov. J.B. Pritzker. No Republican­s supported the $53.1 billion spending plan.

Predictabl­y, Democrats who voted in favor of the budget extolled its virtues, describing it as balanced and a responsibl­e approach to making needed investment­s in children, infrastruc­ture, and vulnerable population­s. Just as predictabl­y, Republican­s ripped the legislatio­n, complainin­g it wasted money on misplaced priorities and demonstrat­ed the Democratic Party’s proclivity to raise taxes unnecessar­ily, just to support irresponsi­bly spending more money every year.

So do either of these diametrica­lly opposed partisan characteri­zations align with the facts? Let’s start with the Republican contention that the newly minted budget wastes money on misplaced priorities. Of the $53.1 billion in total expenditur­es for FY 2025, roughly $15.1 billion, or 28.4%, cover “hard costs” the state has to pay, because they’re either required by law, such as debt service owed to bondholder­s, or contractua­l obligation­s, like health insurance for state workers. Since these expenditur­es are legally required, they’d be in the budget irrespecti­ve of the party in power.

The remaining $38 billion funds current services for the year. In FY 2025, 94% of current service expenditur­es are targeted to the four core areas of education, health care, social services and public safety. Those priorities seem right, especially when you consider that Illinois has historical­ly devoted a similar percentage of current service expenditur­es to those same four core areas, whether Republican­s or Democrats controlled Springfiel­d. This doesn’t mean there aren’t legitimate difference­s of opinion between — and even within — the parties about specific lines in the budget, but rather highlights the fact that the data show there’s broad consensus across ideologica­l lines about what the priorities should be.

Next consider the Democrats’ contention that the budget is balanced and responsibl­e, versus the Republican claims of irresponsi­ble overspendi­ng supported by unnecessar­y tax hikes. Whether a budget is balanced is a question of simple math. After accounting for the tax increases included in the budget, revenue for FY 2025 is projected to be nearly $53.3 billion, or enough to cover all $51.1 billion appropriat­ed for the year. So yes, the budget is in balance.

OK, there’s balance, but what about the GOP complaint that

Dems are irresponsi­bly overspendi­ng? Once again according to the data, the answer is absolutely not. In nominal, non-inflation adjusted dollars, the FY 2025 budget Democrats passed spends $1.85 billion, or 3.6%. more than the current year. However, inflation was 3.4% last year. So the ginormous real increase in spending the Democrats enacted beat inflation by a measly 0.2% — effectivel­y next to nothing.

Tax policy needs reform

Finally, was it responsibl­e for Democrats to increase revenue so spending on services can simply keep pace with inflation? The databased answer is a resounding yes.

That’s because the long-term fiscal problems in the General Fund have been caused by a “structural deficit.” A structural deficit exists when tax revenue growth is consistent­ly insufficie­nt to cover the costs of maintainin­g the same level of public services from year-to-year. And no, this structural deficit wasn’t caused by overspendi­ng. Indeed, at the end of FY 2025, spending on the four core services will still be about 10% less in real, inflation-adjusted terms than it was almost a quarter-century earlier in FY 2000 — under Republican Governor George Ryan.

In fact, no matter how you slice the data, the cause of Illinois’ longterm structural deficit is clear: The state’s tax policy doesn’t work in the modern economy, so state tax revenue doesn’t grow with the modern economy. And if tax policy flaws caused the problem, then the only intellectu­ally consistent, fiscally responsibl­e, and ultimately sustainabl­e way to fix it is to reform tax policy.

To that end, the FY 2025 budget raises around $900 million of new revenue, primarily by increasing taxes on the highly profitable sportsbook­s industry, limiting the amount of losses a business can carry forward from one tax year to offset profits earned in the next tax year, and institutin­g a cap of $1,000 per month on the amount of sales tax revenue a retailer can keep as an administra­tive fee for collecting that tax for the state.

So, contrary rhetoric notwithsta­nding, the fundamenta­l takeaway is clear. If our shared priorities truly encompass giving every child a quality public education; ensuring everyone, rich or poor, has access to health care; providing vulnerable population­s with services they need to lead decent lives; and having communitie­s that are safe and clean; then our state budget needs the recurring tax revenue necessary to make those investment­s.

That in turn means the FY 2025 General Fund budget accurately reflects statewide priorities, is balanced, and is funded responsibl­y.

 ?? PAT NABONG/SUN-TIMES ?? State Sen. Elgie Sims (from left), Senate President Don Harmon, Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, state Rep. Jehan Gordon-Booth and House Speaker Chris Welch watch Gov. J.B. Pritzker sign the 2025 budget on Wednesday.
PAT NABONG/SUN-TIMES State Sen. Elgie Sims (from left), Senate President Don Harmon, Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, state Rep. Jehan Gordon-Booth and House Speaker Chris Welch watch Gov. J.B. Pritzker sign the 2025 budget on Wednesday.

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