The Indian Express (Delhi Edition)

Priyanka in supportive play, Rahul pivot, Cong eyes turnaround: UP to Parliament

LS would see sharper exchanges between Modi govt and Gandhis-led Congress... And yet, to have all three Gandhis in Parliament is bound to raise questions

- THE NEERJA CHOWDHURY COLUMN Neerja Chowdhury, Contributi­ng Editor, The Indian Express, has covered the last 11 Lok Sabha elections. She is the author of How Prime Ministers Decide

FINALLY, AFTER two decades of 'will she, won’t she', Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is going to make her electoral debut now. She will contest the Lok Sabha bypoll from Kerala's Wayanad, the constituen­cy that her brother Rahul Gandhi has vacated so as to retain his Rae Bareli seat in Uttar Pradesh instead.

The developmen­t shows — if there was any doubt on that score — that Rahul would be the principal leader of the Congress (and the party’s prime ministeria­l face, whenever the moment comes). And that Priyanka would play a supportive role. It was imperative for Rahul to identify with the Hindi heartland, especially UP where, but for Rae Bareli, it had got wiped out in the 2019 polls. It is UP which has produced eight of India’s Prime Ministers so far, and has been the karmabhoom­i of the Nehrugandh­i family.

Priyanka has all along played a secondary role — though she is perceived by some quarters as more politicall­y savvy of the two siblings. In 2004, it was “a family decision” that it would be Rahul (and not Priyanka) who would come into active politics and contest elections — with mother Sonia Gandhi making way for him in Amethi by shifting to the neighbouri­ng Rae Bareli seat. At that time, the possibilit­y of all three of them standing for elections was considered — but it was Priyanka who had apparently ruled it out. For 20 years, she nurtured both the Amethi and Rae Bareli seats on behalf of her brother and mother.

At one stage, during the recent Lok Sabha polls, there was a buzz that Priyanka would contest from Rae Bareli and that Rahul would fight from Amethi (where he had lost in 2019) in addition to Wayanad. But it was Rahul who chose the relatively safer Rae Bareli as his second seat, with the “family understand­ing” being possibly that Priyanka would fight whichever seat he would later give up.

A quarter century ago, Priyanka had accompanie­d her mother to Bellary in Karnataka, where Sonia defeated the charismati­cs ushm as war aj( her daughter B ans uriSwa ra j recently won from the New Delhi seat on the BJP ticket). Many women in Karnataka (and in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu) would then look at Priyanka with nostalgia because she reminded them of her grandmothe­r “Indira Amma”, the late PM Indira Gandhi. But today, most of the Indian people – with over half of them under 30 – has barely any memory of Indira except what they have read in the books.

Over the years, Priyanka had become known for her one-liners. In 1999, when Arun Nehru, her father Rajiv Gandhi’s cousin and one-time confidant, was contesting from Rae Bareli on the BJP ticket, she just asked the people there: “Are you going to vote for a man who betrayed my father?” Arun Nehru lost the election. He had fallen out with her father and joined hands with VP Singh who replaced Rajiv as the PM in 1989. She would give the occasional interview to keep the suspense alive about her future political role.

Cut to the 2024 polls, when Priyanka was noticed in a different way on the campaign trail – she began striking a chord among the audiences, drew crowds and was heard with interest.

Whether it was the poor who stood in scorching heat at the Congress's Dausa rally to hear her, or a section of the middle class that watched her on their TV screens in the comfort of their living rooms, they liked what they saw of her – and applauded her ripostes to Narendra Modi’s rhetoric. They called her an “achi vakta (good speaker), better than Rahul”.

Priyanka seems to be more measured and nuanced with her words. This is bound to provoke a comparison between the brother and the sister if both are seen together in the Lok Sabha. This may become more pronounced if Rahul does not agree to become the Leader of the Opposition (LOP), deciding against leading the party from the front.

Gandhis are a close-knit family — and are expected to go headto-head against the government in Parliament, with Priyanka set to assist Rahul in the Lok Sabha (in the event of her expected victory from Wayanad). The 18th Lok Sabha may be thus more turbulent and would see sharper exchanges between the Modi government and Gandhis-led Congress which has virtually doubled its tally to 99 this time from just 52 in 2019.

With the congress now on the upswing, the question that arises is this: Could the Congress not have come up with some out-ofthe-box thinking and given Priyanka a different role?

It is UP that beckons the Congress — and Priyanka today. True, she made a disastrous start when given the charge of UP as the All India Congress Committee (AICC) general secretary in the 2022 Assembly polls. The Congress could then win only 2 seats with its vote share plunging to just over 2 % in the state despite her decision to give 40% of the tickets to women amid the slogan “Ladki hoon lad sakti hoon”. The party had not made adequate planning and preparatio­ns to back its womencentr­ic plank and campaign.

However, UP is sending out a different signal in 2024. Even though the Congress organisati­on has disintegra­ted in the state over the years, there seem to be signs of a public desire to see its revival. Unlike 2017, its alliance with the Samajwadi Party (SP) in 2024 was effective on the ground with SP chief Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi displaying a chemistry in their joint meetings. While Akhilesh’s experiment of widening the SP’S

“MY” base to rope in the nonyadav OBCS — and Dalits — worked, the Muslim-dalit combinatio­n would not have consolidat­ed behind the SP as it did, without the Congress factor. The Muslim-dalit-obc equation (behind the INDIA alliance) has the potential to become a challenge for the Yogi Adityanath­led BJP dispensati­on in the 2027 Assembly polls. But the Congress would need to put at rest any apprehensi­ons that the SP may have over its growth at the latter's expense. It will have to come up with a power sharing formula for UP (2027) as well as the national elections (2029).

The 2024 results, then, provide a rare window of opportunit­y for the Congress to rebuild the party in UP. Without its revival in the crucial heartland state, India’s grand old party cannot become a national player again. And yet, to have all the three members of the Gandhi family in Parliament at the same time (with Sonia being a Rajya Sabha member now) — something they had shied away from for two decades — is bound to raise questions.

Of course, the Congress reels off the list of dyna stsw ho are now in the BJP. This may take the sting out of the BJP’S attack against the Congress's first family. Several regional chieftains have also defended their family-centric outfits — they ask what is wrong if a son or a daughter wants to follow in the footsteps of their parents who are political leaders? And that “Parivarvad” (dynasty politics) is an inescapabl­e reality of Indian politics.

But, many young Indians do, and will, and should, ask the question: If this trend continues, a time will come (soon) when India’s democracy would be limited to a few hundred families! And what kind of a democracy would that be?

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