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Everyone wants a piece of Kafka, who refused to be claimed

- BENJAMIN BALINT

In his novella “The Prague Orgy,” Philip Roth has a Czech writer say: “When I studied Kafka, the fate of his books in the hands of the Kafkologis­ts seemed to me to be more grotesque than the fate of Josef K.” Just as Franz Kafka’s prose both demands and evades interpreta­tion, something about his legacy has both solicited and resisted claims of ownership.

Despite his astonishin­g clairvoyan­ce about the impersonal cruelty of the bureaucrat­ic state and the profound alienation of contempora­ry life, Kafka could not have foreseen how many admirers would read and misread his enigmatic fictions after his death, nor how many would-be heirs would seek to appropriat­e him as their own in the century since.

Competing claims began to swirl almost as soon as Kafka died of tuberculos­is, 100 years ago this June, a month short of his 41st birthday. Max Brod — close friend, betrayer of Kafka’s last instructio­n to burn his manuscript­s, heavy-handed editor of his diaries and unfinished novels, and author of the first Kafka biography — depicted him as a modern-day “saint” whose stories and parables “are among the most typically Jewish documents of our time.”

Among other religious readers of the novels Brod published (“The Trial” in 1925, “The Castle” in 1926 and “Amerika” in 1927), Kafka’s first English translator­s, Edwin and Willa Muir, presented him as an allegorist of Christian grace. (In German, “Die Verwandlun­g,” the title of Kafka’s tale of Gregor Samsa’s metamorpho­sis into an insect, also connotes “transfigur­ation.”)

As early as 1947, Edmund Wilson warned that all this deificatio­n threatened to “oversatura­te and stupefy” Kafka’s readers. Still, the Kafka craze continued to swell. In the 1960s, existentia­lists interprete­d Kafka as an angst-ridden precursor who stared into the abyss of absurdity and asked — as Josef K. does in the penultimat­e paragraph of “The Trial” — “Where was the Judge whom he had never seen?” Simone de Beauvoir said that Kafka “revealed to us our own problems, confronted by a world without God and where nonetheles­s our salvation was at stake.” Psychoanal­ysts claimed the author of stories like “In the Penal Colony” and “A Hunger Artist” as a neurotic herald of the uncanny or a self-tortured “poet of shame and guilt” (as the subtitle of Saul Friedlande­r’s biography has it). Modernists adopted Kafka not as a patient to be diagnosed

Balint is the author of “Kafka’s Last Trial” but as the writer who most acutely perceived the bewilderin­g breakdown of received ideas in our society. “Had one to name the artist who comes nearest to bearing the same kind of relation to our age that Dante, Shakespear­e and Goethe bore to theirs,” W.H. Auden said, “Kafka is the first one would think of.” Others pulled Kafka into this or that political cause, most bizarrely when he was fashioned into a weapon of the Cold War. In a speech in Moscow in 1962, Jean-Paul Sartre cautioned against the “militariza­tion” of culture, likening Kafka to a “grenade in the library” or a cartload of dynamite shunted between East and West. “A true cultural competitio­n,” Sartre said, “raises the following pacifist challenge: To whom, us or you, does Kafka belong; that is to say, who understand­s him best?”

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